Few expect these efforts to pass Congress. But they do work as political weapons
The Protecting Our Democracy Act, introduced by Democratic Rep. Adam Schiff last month and supported by lots of Democrats, probably won’t take the trip to President Joe Biden’s desk as is.
It aims to limit executive powers he says were flouted by former President Donald Trump, including giving Congress more oversight on pardons for people like Roger Stone, Trump’s longtime advisor, and Paul Manafort, his former campaign chairman.
It’s likely to go nowhere in the Senate.
The bill, however, serves a larger political purpose. It gave multiple Democrats a chance to bash actions taken by the former president at a recent press conference the representatives held to announce the measure, drawing attention to the dangers of unrestricted executive behavior.
“It’s about preserving the democratic values, norms and institutions which form the foundation of our republic and ensure our continued liberty — by sealing up the fault lines against a future unethical president looking to exploit them,” Schiff, D-Burbank, told The Sacramento Bee last week.
While Washington lawmakers are well are aware that some bills or pieces of them will falter on party lines, they also know they’ can be conveniently used as political weaponry against opponents and provide a big boost for their parties.
Months-long debates on funding for infrastructure, the future of the debt limit or details of Congress’ sweeping spending and tax bill are providing platforms for politicians and strategists to loudly assert priorities that voters might remember them by.
Darrell West, vice president and director of governance studies at the Brookings Institution, a nonpartisan research group, thinks so-called messaging bills have become more common.
“They know it’s a competitive election coming up,” he said. “They want to propose bills supporters care about.”
Republicans call Democrats intrusive
Messages take two forms: Demonize the opponent and show how your side is upbeat and on the move.
Take the ongoing debates for the $1.2 trillion infrastructure bill. Though it’s expected to pass, the original formats offered by each party allowed them to appeal to their most ardent supporters.
Republicans this spring offered a $568 billion infrastructure plan. President Joe Biden and some Democrats wanted $2 trillion. The two sides wound up agreeing on a $1.2 trillion plan. Republicans were able to say that Democrats wanted to spend money recklessly on unnecessary items while Democrats asserted that climate and social change required more attention.
It’s also commonplace to highlight aspects of larger bills and say that representatives are specifically supporting one piece, even if their support is a means to reach a compromise on other issues. Republican strategists have used that to blame Democrats for wild spending and too much government oversight.
For instance, one part of the Democrats’ $3.5 trillion tax and spending bill, a complex social spending package, would heighten reporting requirements from banks on accounts with more than $600 to the Internal Revenue Service, which oversees taxes.
“John Garamendi, Ami Bera and Josh Harder want to give the IRS new power to spy on California families. It’s a complete invasion of privacy,” wrote National Republican Congressional Committee spokeswoman Torunn Sinclair of three California House Democrats who face tough elections next year.
A key GOP strategy to deal with Democratic initiatives was described in a four-page memo from the conservative House Republican Study Committee. Chairman Jim Banks, R-Ind., offered colleagues a summary of what he calls “the worst parts” of the tax and spending bill.
He gave 42 talking points and concludes: “It’s not an understatement to say this bill, if passed, will fundamentally change our country forever — Americans will wake up in a few years and wonder what happened to their freedom. We can’t let that happen.”
Democrats highlight Donald Trump
Democrats relentlessly remind voters of the party’s view that Trump is dangerous.
“The Republican Party has shifted from their lukewarm pushback of Trump to full-on bear hugging Trump and his election lies,” said a statement from the party’s “War Room” after Trump spoke Saturday at a rally in Iowa.
While many Republicans continue to embrace Trump, others are distancing themselves, including Rep. David Valadao, R-Hanford, who is in a swing district.
Republicans, say Democrats, are insensitive to those who need the most help. After the House voted Tuesday to briefly increase the government’s debt limit, on a party line vote, the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee quickly blasted Valadao.
“If Rep. David Valadao had it his way, the United States economy would be in ruins, thousands of Californians would be thrown out of work, and working families across America could see their hard-earned savings plummet,” said DCCC spokesman Adrian Eng-Gastelum.
In positive public relations, Senate Democrats have been trying to pass the $3.5 trillion tax and spending bill, but are stymied by disputes between the party’s liberal and moderate wing. They talk about the bill’s loftier promises, not the money it’ll take.
“It was about the children, the children, the children, the children,” House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-San Francisco, told reporters.
She said it’s about “their health, it’s about health, their education, the economic security of their families, the security of their families, a clean, safe environment in which they could thrive, and it gives a world at peace in which they could succeed.”
Political messages on abortion
Not all message bills are simply aimed at winning elections. They’re also designed to build momentum for policies that at first may seem elusive, like those related to abortion.
Soon, the Supreme Court will hear a case that might overturn Roe v. Wade, keeping the topic of abortion in the national spotlight and putting it at the centerfold of the 2022 elections and talks for long-term policy changes.
Democrats, anticipating further restrictions as a Texas law banning abortions after six weeks of pregnancy took effect, held a vote in the House to bar certain state limits on abortion. The vote fell largely along party lines. It will die in the Senate: Democrats hold 50 seats there, but 60 votes are needed to cut off debate and get to a vote.
Republicans have tried and failed at passing laws to restrict abortion access in the past. Last year, for instance, the Born-Alive Abortion Survivors Protection Act, which was filibustered in the Senate, would have required medical help for infants who survive an abortion.
“Politicians can turn their backs on these babies, but they can’t say they don’t know what’s at stake,” said Sen. Ben Sasse, R-Neb., the bill’s chief sponsor. “The Born-Alive Abortion Survivors Protection isn’t about abortion, it’s about making sure that every newborn baby gets the care they need.”
Though message bills are not new to Congress, their increased appearance foreshadows what the 2022 campaigns will be about.
“The underlying messaging is Democrats: Don’t let Trump get back into office. Republicans: They (Democrats) can’t govern,” said Tom Asacker, a New Hampshire-based branding expert.
This story was originally published October 20, 2021 at 5:00 AM with the headline "Few expect these efforts to pass Congress. But they do work as political weapons."
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