Police reform has become a national topic. Will change trickle down to Fresno?
It’s impossible to watch or read the national news these days without hearing a conversation about police reform.
Across the country, cities are reassessing the role of their police departments. Some are asking whether police are tasked with too many responsibilities. Others, facing steep budget shortfalls from the economic plunge of coronavirus, are redirecting funds away from police. In Minneapolis, where George Floyd was asphyxiated to death by a kneeling cop, a veto-proof city council majority pledged to “dismantle” the entire department.
Those conversations are taking place in Fresno, too. So far, though, most of the talk is being done by activists — some of whom chimed in Tuesday during the opening salvo of the city’s budget hearings.
But is there enough public and political will to compel any real reform in a city with a lengthy history of police violence and rogue cops?
Don’t hold your breath.
I say that despite the wave of protests against racism and heavy handed police tactics here, across California and throughout the country. And despite a recent national poll showing 57% of respondents believe police are more likely to use excessive force on blacks than whites. (Up from 34% in 2016.)
Why? Because this is Fresno, where pro-law enforcement sentiment runs wide and deep. So much so that ex-police chief Jerry Dyer, in a field of seven candidates, didn’t even need a runoff election to become the next mayor. Where attempts to reform or rein in the Fresno Police Department inevitably run up against a powerful, influential police union that few, if any, local politicians dare to cross.
Political donations in Fresno tend to come from two main sources: developers and unions. Among unions, the Fresno Police Officers Association is the biggest fish in the pond.
How big? Since 2016, the FPOA’s political action committee has handed out at least $160,000 in campaign contributions for local races. (I can’t give an exact figure because city filings for 2016 are incomplete.) The PAC is funded by the union’s hundreds of members as well as outside contributions.
Among the current Fresno City Council members, Miguel Arias is the only one to win election without accepting the police union’s money. Tyler Maxwell, who takes office in January, will become the second.
Police union donations pervasive
The FPOA contributes to candidates from both sides of the political aisle and doesn’t always back winners. For example, Henry T. Perea (in 2008) and father Henry R. Perea (in 2016) lost mayoral elections to Ashley Swearengin and Lee Brand, respectively, despite the union’s endorsement.
Switching sides to the winning horse is another FPOA strategy. In 2018, the union pumped $18,660 into Brian Whelan’s failed city council campaign. But soon after Whelan lost to Nelson Esparza, it cut Esparza a $3,300 check before kicking in $3,800 in 2019.
That’s the same Esparza who pledged “thoughtful reform will be in the queue soon” in a recent tweet.
Given their willingness to take the FPOA’s money, it’s fair to question how much “thoughtful reform” Esparza and other progressive council members like Esmeralda Soria (who accepted $13,000 worth of FPOA contributions in 2014 and $5,000 more in 2018) will seek.
For the record, Mike Karbassi received $12,081 of the police union’s money in 2019 to help fund his two successful campaigns. Fellow moderate Luis Chavez accepted $16,134 in 2018 and $2,500 in 2016. Paul Caprioglio took a $1,500 donation in 2016. Garry Bredefeld got $9,300 in 2019, even though he ran unopposed in March.
The FPOA’s influence extends beyond campaign dough. Local politicians who garner the union’s endorsement display the department’s insignia on their signs and mailers as a symbol of their unwavering support for law enforcement.
“More than money, it’s about the brand,” a longtime local politician told me. “Yet we never seem to stop and ask ourselves why we’re so persuaded by the brand.”
Those questions are being raised now, though I’m skeptical they’ll lead anywhere meaningful.
Fresno history as a guide
History is a pretty good guide. In 2009, when a video showing a Fresno cop repeatedly punching a homeless man (who turned out to be schizophrenic) went national, community cries for an outside police auditor were finally heard.
The FPOA fought fiercely against the auditor, though Dyer, to his credit, was supportive. However, it took years for the position to become full-time or even for its office to be located in Fresno. And not until 2017 was a Citizens Public Safety Advisory Board created.
While the auditor can review cases and issue reports and the citizens board can make recommendations, their roles are limited. (Police body cameras were suggested by the auditor and later adopted.) Neither has subpoena power, nor the authority to initiate or conduct investigations.
With Dyer in charge for the next four (or eight) years, it’s hard to see that changing.
That doesn’t mean Fresno PD isn’t susceptible to budget cuts. As the city faces a projected $40 million shortfall, no department should be spared — even if that means reducing the number of officers. Fresno would also be wise to examine the examples of cities such as Eugene, Oregon, and Austin, Texas, that no longer have police respond to drug overdoses or situations involving the homeless or mentally ill.
Instead, those 911 calls are diverted to social workers and medics. Who are probably a lot more compassionate than the typical cop, not to mention better trained for these situations.
But if you’re talking about wholesale police reform in Fresno — aka Defund the Police — those conversations will hit a quick dead end. The power and influence of law enforcement is far too entrenched.
